The ‘Fiscal Compact’ Has Not Solved the Euro Crisis

Philip Arestis and Malcolm Sawyer

The Triple Crisis Blog is pleased to welcome Philip Arestis and Malcolm Sawyer as regular contributors. Philip Arestis is the Director of Research at the Cambridge Centre for Economic & Public Policy and Senior Fellow in the Department of Land Economy at the University of Cambridge, UK, and Professor of Economics at the University of the Basque Country, Spain. Malcolm Sawyer is Professor of Economics at the University of Leeds, UK.

In a recent post (19th December 2011) we argue that the recent ‘fiscal compact’ agreed upon by the European Union (EU)/European Monetary Union (EMU) at their meeting of 8th/9th December 2011 would not deliver. Now that further details have emerged, it is clear that the situation is even far worse than what appeared to be in the first instance. It is now clear that neither the governments of the EMU countries nor the European Central Bank (ECB) have committed themselves to doing enough let alone satisfactorily. The ECB is not prepared to perform the proper role of any central bank, namely the ‘lender of last resort’ function. EMU governments have not made progress on the ‘eurobond’ idea, whereby the EMU members would share the troubled economies burden of debt.

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Triple Crisis partners with INESC, blog posts now available in Portuguese

The Triple Crisis Blog is pleased to announce a new partnership with the Instituto de Estudos Socioeconômicos (INESC – Institute for Socioeconomic Studies) in Brazil. INESC is a non-profit research and advocacy organization covering a wide variety of topics, including fiscal and budget policy, human rights, international policy, food sovereignty, socio-environmental rights, and land reform.

As part of this partnership all original Triple Crisis posts will be available in Portuguese on the INESC Blog. (See Fander Falconi’s recent post in Portuguese.) We are also pleased to begin featuring contributions from INESC economists, translated into English. Triple Crisis posts will soon also appear in Spanish. Triple Crisis is able to translate posts thanks to our blog partners at the Heinrich Boell Foundation.

China’s coming crises

Patrick Bond

With economic crashes and ecological calamities so prevalent in 2011, concluding with a do-little November G20 meeting in Cannes and a do-nothing December climate summit in Durban, January has opened with intense fear of eurozone deterioration. In this uncertain context loom the two most potent forces shaping the period ahead: China’s capital accumulation process and class struggle.

Because of the country’s uneven and combined development, within an extraordinary boom we can see the beginnings of a potentially world-scale bust, plus prodigious socioeconomic battles from below alongside brutal attacks on the environment such as coal-fired power and the Three Gorges Dam (notwithstanding exceptional ‘green economy’ advances).

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China on the verge?

Matías Vernengo

It has become increasingly common to suggest that on top of the European debacle and the sluggish recovery in the United States, China might be on the verge of a collapse, and with it the last bastion of economic growth in the world economy would also be gone. Not only the center is stagnant, but also the periphery of the global economy is very fragile. But the probability of a Chinese slowdown is greatly exaggerated.

Paul Krugman, who has been correct about the need for fiscal expansion in the United States, and about the European Central Bank (ECB) mismanagement of the Greek crisis, for example, has suggested that China is in the middle of a housing bubble that can burst at any time (see also Jayati Ghosh and C. P. Chandrasekhar here for a similar, but broader view of the dangers in 2012). This view insinuates that growth in China is fundamentally dependent on domestic demand, but that the sources of the expansion are fragile. It, further, suggests that China now looks very similar to the US before the Lehman Brothers crisis in September 2008.

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Prospects for the World Economy in 2012

C.P. Chandrasekhar and Jayati Ghosh

There is a palpable sense of gloom and impending doom in most discussions of the world economy today. Even before, several economists had argued that the excessive optimism about ”V shaped recovery” that was being used to describe the economic revival in 2010 was premature and misplaced, especially as none of the fundamental contradictions of global capitalism that led to the previous crisis had been adequately addressed. But they were once again written off as Cassandras by the financial media, which desperately sought sources of ”good news” and future engines of growth particularly among the emerging markets.

Now even the most stalwart establishment voices are expressing growing concern and pessimism. Oliver Blanchard, Chief Economist at the IMF, has issued what must be an unprecedentedly sombre and even dismal statement at the close of the year, noting that recovery is at a standstill in the advanced economies and recognising that 2012 may face even worse economic conditions than 2008.
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The 10 Worst Economic Ideas of 2011

Jeff Madrick

I was at an Occupy Wall Street demonstration this weekend and many clergy addressed the group. One nun told the crowd it was Christmas season and that it was time for something new to be born in America.

It was a nice thought, and I hope that the “something new” is good sense, because it has been a year in which some of the worst economic ideas ever have gained support and are being applied around the world. So here’s my list of the 10 worst economic ideas of 2011:

1. Taxes should be more regressive.

At the top of the list for sheer scandalous insensitivity are Herman Cain’s and New Gingrich’s tax plans for America. Cain and Gingrich are both flat tax advocates. Cain proposes “9-9-9” — a 9 percent sales tax, 9 percent income tax, and 9 percent corporate tax. He would also eliminate most deductions. Would this raise more or less money? The romantic conservatives claim the lower income tax rate would mean more growth. Never mind that the evidence to support that claim has been found profoundly lacking time and again.

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Capital controls offer growth from more stable world

Kevin P. Gallagher

Gillian Tett (“Fears of worse to come fuel debate over capital controls”, December 16) highlights the new and important Bank of England paper on capital flows and financial crises that argues how cross-border capital flows continue to plague the world economy and will continue to do so in alarming ways to 2050. The Bank rightly argues for cross-border regulation and co-ordination on capital flows – traditionally referred to as capital controls.

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Divisions beneath a relaxed WTO Ministerial

Martin Khor

The World Trade Organisation’s Ministerial Conference was held in a calm and relaxed atmosphere in Geneva last week.

Past WTO ministerials had been tension-filled, with some Ministers (usually from developed countries) often aided by the Secretariat, trying to push for mandates to launch talks on new rules or treaties, and Ministers of developing countries resisting.

The decisions would be made by a small group of 20, usually selected by the Secretariat or the host Minister, and there would then be great tension to as to whether the whole membership would agree to what the small group of 20 had decided. Sometimes the small group could not agree among themselves.

Thus, WTO ministerial, or more recently “mini-Ministerials” of 30 or so members, could end in induced success or inglorious failures, with the failures exceeding the successes.

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What Happened to the WTO’s Original Food Security Agenda?

Jennifer Clapp

The WTO ministerial meeting in Geneva last week failed to take any decisions on the question of food security. Indeed, we knew this would be the outcome even before the meeting began. As the ICTSD reported, two proposals on food security – both calling for exemptions from export restrictions for the world’s least developed and net food importing developing countries and for humanitarian food purchases by the World Food Programme – did not gain sufficient support at the WTO General Council meeting in late November to make the Ministerial agenda.

The fact that WTO members could not even support discussion of these specific measures does not bode well for the adoption of a broader and more comprehensive food security agenda at the WTO.  The disagreements over rules on export restrictions have in fact served as a distraction from the broader food security issues that the WTO is already supposed to be working on.

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What Goes Around, Comes Around: the eurozone crisis, the BRICS and the IMF

Ilene Grabel

From 1980s through the early 2000s developing countries faced repeated demands to get their financial houses in order as a condition of financial assistance from the international financial institutions (IFIs) and the world’s leading economies. The Washington Consensus codified the standard conditionality. It tied financial rescue on all manner of draconian policies that were designed to ensure that developing country governments could meet obligations to their international creditors. In pursuit of solvency, few public sector expenditures were exempt from the neoliberal axe. Social welfare spending was slashed, taxes on all but the wealthy and large firms were raised, markets were liberalized, enterprises were sold off to the presumably more efficient private sector (though often the “private sector” were domestic elites with privileged access to the assets at bargain prices), and barriers to international trade and financial flows were rescinded. All of this was done with the expressed goal (among others) of demonstrating worthiness for continued lending by IFIs.

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